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Scientific Classification of Wolves
Gray Wolves
Red Wolves
Ethiopian Wolves
Wolf Prey and Predation
United States
Regional Information:
 Eastern DPS

Southwestern DPS
 Western DPS
International Wolf Populations
Wolf Management and Conservation
Human Perspectives

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This article is reprinted from
Conservation Biology; 1995. 9(2): 1-9.
By L. David Mech
Biological Resources Division
U.S. Geological Survey
The gray wolf (Canis lupus) was one of the first highly visible
animals to be included on the U. S. Endangered Species list. The
creature now symbolizes endangered species and has become the cause
celebre of numerous animal-interest groups. Probably because of
the affinity of the wolf to the dog (Canis lupus familiaris)
and certainly because the species has historically been so persecuted
(Young and Goldman 1944), a new mythology about the wolf has evolved;
the vile wolf has been replaced by the unjustly persecuted wolf.
As this wolf deification took place, remnant wolf populations
were relegated to only the most pristine wilderness of North America
and the least developed parts of the rest of the world. Thus, both
laypeople and resource managers widely believed that wolves preferred
wilderness. The animal came to symbolize wilderness, "for wolves
and wilderness are inseparable . . ." (Theberge 1975:152).
However, the wolf survived only in wildernesses mostly because
it was exterminated everywhere else. After the U. S. Endangered
Species Act of 1973 protected the wolf in the 48 contiguous United
States as of 1974 and public attitudes about wolves improved, wolves
began to colonize a wide variety of habitats and to demonstrate
that they did not require wilderness. The wolf has now begun to
recover in the northern U. S. and in several parts of Europe. The
question of the next decade will not be how to save the wolf, but
rather how best to manage the animal. This paper traces the history
of the wolf's status and recovery and explores the dilemma of its
management.
Originally, gray wolves were distributed throughout the northern
hemisphere in every habitat where large ungulates were found. Saturating
most of the region between 20° N latitude (mid-Mexico and India)
and the North Pole, in temperatures from -40° to +40°
C, the wolf inhabited areas as diverse as Israel and Greenland.
Every kind of northern ungulate, as well as beavers (Castor
canadensis) and arctic hares (Lepus arcticus), can serve
as prey for wolves, and wolves easily switch their prey from wild
to domestic species. Conflict between wolves and humans over domestic
animals probably became an issue soon after ungulates were domesticated.
As firearms, poisons, and traps were developed, they were used
ruthlessly against wolves with devastating effectiveness (Young
& Goldman 1944). In Eurasia, most wolf populations reached their
lowest point between the 1930s and the 1960s (Pimlott 1973; Delibes
1990; Promberger & Bibikov 1993). In the more-developed regions
of Eurasia, wolves disappeared except in the central Appenine Mountains
of Italy, the Cantabrian mountains of northern Spain, the Carpathians
of Eastern Europe, the northern parts of the former Soviet Union,
and the central plains and mountainous regions of Asia. Some populations
also remained in the deserts of the Middle East. In North America,
wolf numbers were lowest in the late 1950s. Populations survived
primarily in Canada and Alaska (Mech 1970). In the 48 contiguous
United States only the wilderness of northern Minnesota and nearby
Isle Royale National Park in Lake Superior held wolves.
The environmental revolution ushered in the first endangered species
legislation in the U.S, the Endangered Species Act of 1966. This
act did not protect endangered species but only encouraged federal
agencies to give them special consideration and to promote their
recovery.
At this time, about the only information available on wolves was
anecdotal and hearsay. Historical notes by Young and Goldman (1944)
and Murie's (1944) field study on Mt. McKinley wolves were practically
the only available published information. A few more studies followed.
After the considerable publicity produced by Durward Allen's seminal
investigation of the wolves and moose of Isle Royale National Park,
published in National Geographic (Allen & Mech 1963) wolf
studies proliferated. In 1967, the first wolf symposium was held
by the American Society of Zoologists, culminating in the publication
of the proceedings in the May 1967 issue of American Zoologist.
By then the full force of the environmental movement could be felt.
Private wolf organizations sprang up in many areas, and the wolf
quickly gained a popular constituency in the U.S. and abroad.
In Italy, Luigi Boitani and Eric Zimen pioneered a study of the
wolf in the Abruzzo Mountains east of Rome (Zimen 1981; Boitani
1986). The World Wildlife Fund and the International Union for the
Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN), now the World
Conservation Union, took great interest in the wolf, and the animal
was listed in IUCN's Red Data Book of endangered species. The IUCN
Wolf Specialist Group was formed in 1973 (Pimlott 1975).
Meanwhile radio-tracking was developed in the early 1960s (Cochran
& Lord 1963), a technique especially valuable to wolf research.
Wolves were difficult to study with traditional methods because
they were restricted to wilderness areas, highly elusive, and low
in population density. Kolenosky and Johnston (1967) first radio-tracked
wolves in Ontario. Mech and Frenzel (1971) then combined that technique
with aerial tracking and observation, and numerous studies using
these techniques followed.
The second U. S. Endangered Species Act passed in 1973 and protected
the wolf in the contiguous 48 United States beginning in August
1974. Recovery teams were appointed by the U. S. Fish and Wildlife
Service for three wolf subspecies, the eastern timber wolf, the
northern Rocky Mountain wolf, and the Mexican wolf, as well as the
red wolf (U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service 1975, 1982a, 1982b, 1987).
At first many wolves were killed illegally (Mech 1977), but eventually
that number dropped (Fuller 1989), and wolf reservoir populations
in less accessible areas expanded (Fuller et al. 1992) They first
recolonized the more remote areas in their surroundings, reinforcing
the view that they were creatures of the wilderness.
Much of the public misinterpreted the wolf's endangered status
in the 48 contiguous states, thinking it meant no wolves were left
anywhere else in the world. Private groups began to raise wolves
to help restore populations, not realizing that Canada alone supported
50,000 of them. The wolf's apparent dependence on the wilderness
was quantified in the 1970s and 1980s using road density as a measure.
Roads were the routes by which the public and the government had
been able to reach wolves to kill them. Thiel (1985) found that
recolonizing wolves in Wisconsin lived only where the road density
was 0.6 km per km2, a figure corroborated for Michigan (Jensen et
al. 1986) and Minnesota (Mech et al. 1988). The wolf then officially
became a wilderness animal, and road densities became the yardstick
by which wolf habitat suitability was measured by agencies and recovery
teams.
As more was learned about the wolf, the increasingly urbanized public
continued to favor wolf recovery. Even though illegal taking of
wolves persists in local areas of North America and Europe, it has
not been sufficient to prevent wolf population growth. In Minnesota,
some 75 percent of the public viewed the wolf favorably (Kellert
1986), a statistic that may be mirrored in much of the northern
hemisphere.
Minnesota's wolf population, now probably about 2000 based on
trend estimates by Fuller et al. (1992), proliferated into neighboring
Wisconsin and Michigan (Thiel 1978; Mech et al. 1995b), where they
currently number over 100 (Mech et al. 1995a). Other Minnesota wolves
eventually spread into the Dakotas (Licht & Fritts 1994). Canadian
wolves were no longer killed when they reached Montana, and they
began to recolonize the Glacier Park National Park area (Ream &
Mattson 1982). One pair even raised pups amongst a herd of cattle
on the prairies of the Rockies' eastern front (Diamond 1994). Montana
now supports an estimated 70 wolves, and additional animals from
Canada are entering Idaho and Washington state (Mech et al. 1995a).
Europe has seen the same trend. In Italy the wolf population responded
to the protection resulting from the research and educational efforts
of Boitani (1986) and increased to 300 individuals that inhabit
even areas around the outskirts of Rome. In Spain wolf numbers reached
1500-2000 (Blanco et al. 1990), and in Poland, about 850 (Bobek
et al. 1993). Overflow to develop in Finland (Pulliainen 1993) and
eventually a nascent population developed that straddles Norway
and Sweden, currently numbering 20-25 (Promberger et al. 1993a).
Wolves also are spreading from northern Italy into France and from
Poland into eastern Germany (Promberger et al. 1993b).
The much improved public attitude toward wolves, coupled with
publicity and law enforcement have allowed the burgeoning wolf populations
to use areas that had not been wolf habitat for decades, thus demonstrating
the wolf's inherent adaptability. The wolf's new range includes
areas of higher road density (Fuller et al. 1992) and much more
open, accessible, and populated areas. Breeding packs now live less
than 90 km from Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota. One wolf was
radio-tracked out of the forests in which it had been raised and
into farm fields within 30 km of St. Paul's center (Wydeven 1994).
The animal roamed the farmlands for several weeks before returning
to forest. Other wolves making their way south of Minneapolis and
St. Paul are being killed by cars or shot when mistaken for coyotes
(Canis latrans). Wolves dispersing into North and South Dakota have
been crossing great expanses of open areas (Licht & Fritts 1994).
In Spain wolves live like coyotes in wheat and sunflower fields
in regions with human densities of up to 200 people per km2 (Vila
et al. 1993). The animals scavenge garbage and livestock remains
and hunt smaller mammals. In Canada, Alaska, Scandinavia, the Mideast,
and much of Asia, wolf numbers are stable or increasing (Ginsberg
& Macdonald 1990).
Given protection, wolves can expand their range rapidly (Fuller
et al. 1992). Average litter sizes reach five to six (Mech 1970).
The territorial packs produce young each year, and maturing individuals
disperse (Fritts and Mech 1981, Gese and Mech 1991) distances that
may exceed 800 km straightline (Fritts 1983). They search out mates
and begin new packs (Rothman and Mech 1979) in new areas (Ream et
al. 1991).
As wolves dispersed from wildernesses, they successfully contended
with more highways, traffic, residences, habitat fragmentation,
and other human disturbances (Mech et al. unpublished data). Some
probably were unable to adapt, especially the first waves. Nevertheless,
wolves that did settle semi-wilderness areas probably became more
habituated to the increased disturbances, and as a population then
adapted more to increasing disturbance.
In Italy, Spain, and Portugal, where much of the wolf's food is
comprised of garbage, wolves have long inhabited the wooded mountains
during the day and made their way into rural villages to scavenge
at night (Zimen & Boitani 1979). In North America, ungulate population
densities are high close to population centers. Thus, wolves have
plentiful natural prey when they move to new, nonwilderness areas.
As wolves show up in new regions they gather new constituencies
that support their recovery. In Europe the European Wolf Network
dedicated to the recovery of the wolf in central Europe (Promberger
& Schroder 1993) became a branch of the IUCN Wolf Specialist Group
in 1992. Other organizations have formed in North America that call
for the reintroduction of wolves into such places as Arizona, Colorado,
northern New York, and New England.
As wolves move into agricultural areas, conflicts with humans greatly
increase. For example, when Minnesota wolves increased from 1988
through 1993 by an estimated 15 percent, the number of wolves killed
by the U.S. Department of Agriculture Animal Damage Control Program
increased from 59 to 139, or 223 percent (Paul 1994). In Spain estimated
damage by wolves now exceeds $1 million per year (Vila et al. 1993).
With these conflicts come a distinct danger of public backlash.
Not only will wolves in semi-agricultural areas take increasing
numbers of livestock and incur the wrath of the livestock industry,
which often has strong political support, but they also will kill
pets. In Minnesota wolves killing dogs has caused considerable public
animosity (Fritts & Paul 1989). As the media begin publicizing such
issues, the public gains an exaggerated impression of the problem.
A strong backlash of antiwolf sentiment could result in management
practices that would again restrict wolves to wilderness areas.
Poland has experienced three such cycles of wolf protection and
persecution (Okarma 1992). How can these problems be avoided and
the wolf be restored to as many places as possible? Until some nonlethal
method of controlling wolf populations is discovered, it appears
that lethal control will remain the ultimate means of curbing wolf
damage to livestock and pets.
Several non-lethal methods of preventing livestock losses to wolves
have been tried and abandoned. In Italy and other European countries,
for example, traditional husbandry techniques relied on guard dogs
and shepherds tending small flocks of livestock; such techniques
today are uneconomical. Use of guard dogs alone has been tried against
wolves in Minnesota with only limited success (Fritts et al. 1992),
although the method may be useful in specific cases. Wolves have
also been translocated to other areas, but many either returned
to where they were caught or became problems elsewhere (Fritts et
al. 1984, 1985). Aversive conditioning (Gustavson & Nicolaus 1987)
has not yet proven effective with wild wolves (Fritts et al. 1992).
Currently an electric fence in use in Sweden seems to hold some
promise for protecting livestock from wolves, but it has not yet
been subject to controlled testing (Eles 1986). Furthermore, such
fences tested for coyotes have generally been expensive, hi gh-maintenance,
and better suited for smaller areas (Dorrance & Bourne 1980, Nass
& Theade 1988).
Compensation for livestock losses is useful for minimizing public
animosity toward wolves, especially when wolf populations are low
and each wolf is important to the population. In Italy, compensation
was important in changing public attitudes toward acceptance of
wolves in agricultural areas. But as wolf populations proliferate,
compensation payments must also increase, sometimes disproportionately.
At some point compensation payments will become politically unpopular
as the public learns it is subsidizing wolves via payments to farmers
for their wolf-killed livestock. Thus many government agencies are
wary of even initiating such payments.
An innovative alternative to public payment for livestock killed
by wolves was instituted by the Defenders of Wildlife in the U.S.
This private, nonprofit organization established a fund to reimburse
ranchers in the western U.S. and even encouraged ranchers to allow
wolves to raise pups on their private land via a payment of $5000
per den (Fischer et al. 1994). The public may well begin demanding
that animal organizations assume these burdens from the government
as the costs increase. In any case, without wolf population control,
people would eventually object to the payments or the damages caused
by wolves.
With natural habitat in so many areas greatly fragmented and wolves
adapting to travel through relatively settled and open areas, some
disjunct wolf populations are developing where wolves can live without
causing livestock damages. For example, about 90 km northwest of
Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota, a pack has lived and bred for
at least two years on a wildlife management area surrounded by agricultural
land without killing local livestock. Similar instances are known
in Montana (Diamond 1994) and other parts of Minnesota (Fritts &
Mech 1981, Fritts et al. 1992). This suggests that management zoning
could allow wolves to inhabit areas where they can feed on natural
prey while they are kept out of agricultural areas.
The approach is to designate zones of potential wolf habitat and
distinguish them from areas that should be kept wolf-free. Zoning
is common in regulating wildlife harvesting and has been applied
on a large scale in wolf recovery plans (U. S. Fish and Wildlife
Service 1975, 1987). If public attitudes continue to lean toward
protectionism, pressure may develop to apply zoning on local levels
such that small sanctuaries are maintained and control is applied
only outside these areas.
The scale of zoning is important. Wolves could be zoned out of
entire states or zoned into only large national parks or nature
preserves. Or they could be allowed to inhabit any area they naturally
colonize as long as their sole prey is wild species. For example,
in a wildlife refuge of only 100 km2 surrounded by farmland including
livestock, wolves could be protected in the refuge but destroyed
immediately outside it. This is similar to the situation in Riding
Mountain National Park, Manitoba, which, although a much larger
area, is an island of wilderness in a sea of agricultural land (Carbyn
1982).
The main advantage of large-scale zoning is simplification and
efficiency of management. Any wolf in a designated no-wolf state
or outside any large wolf refuge would be subject to legal taking,
while those inside would be protected or managed through regulated
taking. This scenario could allow wolf populations to remain in
the Lake Superior states and much of the mountainous regions of
the western U.S., depending on how large the zones are.
The main disadvantage of large-scale zoning is the need to protect
livestock that would inevitably live inside some of the larger zones.
In Minnesota this would perpetuate the current situation in which
close to 150 wolves are killed by government controllers annually
for about $1225 each. A second disadvantage is that wolves would
probably not be allowed in many areas where they really could live.
This might mean banishing wolves two packs have been living without
causing livestock depredations. Furthermore, in most of Europe where
there are few if any large, remote regions left, large-scale zoning
would be very difficult.
With small-scale zoning, the main disadvantage for management
agencies is complexity. At one extreme even single wolf packs in
areas without livestock would be protected, while immediately outside
wolves could be taken. This could present difficult law enforcement
problems, although such problems are not unlike those that currently
exist for other species in wildlife refuges, national parks and
other protected areas. A small-scale zoning proposal in Italy (Boitani
& Fabbri 1983) was opposed by wolf protectionists because of the
difficulty of law enforcement and the feeling that wolves would
be relegated to areas too small to maintain viable populations.
Such a fine-grained approach would probably require management
agencies to identify possible wolf areas so that when colonized
they would be recognized as wolf sanctuaries. Geographic information
systems would greatly simplify this task. Furthermore, identification
of such sanctuaries could be incorporated into ecosystem management
plans, biodiversity initiatives, and similar strategies as they
are developed for other reasons.
The main advantage of small-scale zoning would be to allow wolves
to live in enclaves throughout much of Europe and the United States
similar to the way they currently inhabit Wisconsin and Michigan
(Hammill 1993; Wydeven et al. 1994). For several reasons, this approach
would not require the very large-scale land and habitat protection
visualized by the Wildlands Project (Mann and Plummer 1993). Although
dispersing wolves would be subject to persecution while passing
through nonprotected areas, those moving primarily at night or outside
of hunting seasons would stand a reasonable chance of survival.
With enough small enclaves of wolves, there should be large numbers
of such dispersers to colonize new areas, resupply reduced populations,
provide sufficient outbreeding, and thus comprise regional metapopulations.
Furthermore, inbreeding depression, while a problem among some captive
wolves (Laikre & Ryman 1991), probably is not in most wild populations
because of the high natural tu rnover and ensuing selection. Deleterious
alleles should get cleansed from the population quickly.
The Isle Royale wolf population is instructive. Isle Royale is
a 538-km2 national park in Lake Superior some 25 km from Ontario.
It was colonized by wolves about 1949 (Mech 1966), probably by only
two unrelated wolves (Rothman & Mech 1979). Genetic testing after
40 years indicated a single female founder (Wayne et al. 1991).
Nevertheless, the population stabilized at about 23 for a long period
and increased to 50 in 1980, the highest wolf density on record
(Peterson & Page 1988). Although the population then crashed, raising
concerns about inbreeding depression and disease (Peterson & Krumenaker
1989), the wolves survive. In 1994, eight 1993 offspring survived
(Peterson 1994). Thus, with just two founders and 50 percent loss
of genetic variability (Wayne et al. 1991), this population has
survived for 45 years. Had it been on the mainland, chances are
good that some outbreeding would have occurred.
Biologically, wolves could inhabit parts of almost all regions
of the U. S. and many of the European countries. Since protection,
they have been recorded in nine and possibly ten U. S. states. If
biology were the only relevant factor, however, wolves would never
have had to be declared endangered. Throughout the wolf's former
range, it has been persecuted because of its tendency to prey on
livestock and pets. Even though it is currently on the endangered
species list in the U.S., control has been applied in Minnesota,
Wisconsin, and Montana. Thus there is every reason to believe that
wolf control will parallel wolf recovery wherever it takes place
(Mech 1979, Fritts 1993).
The inevitability of wolf control, however, introduces a new, complex
element into the equation governing the wolf's future in all but
the remotest areas of the world: wolf protectionism. The same cultural
attitudes that fostered wolf recovery also encouraged an extreme
degree of wolf protectionism. Those of us professionally involved
with wolf recovery have traditionally been maligned by antiwolf
people (Haubner 1990). Now we are vilified by many wolf lovers as
wolf enemies because of our acknowledgement that wolves often require
control.
Wolves are revered for several reasons. Because they tend to kill
prey that are old, sick or weak (Murie 1944; Mech 1970), many laypeople
mistakenly believe that, without wolves, prey would automatically
die out from disease. Wolves are also hailed as good models for
the human race because of their alleged monogamy and family allegiances.
A book was even titled The Soul of the Wolf (Fox 1980). Other misconceptions
about wolves encourage wolf protectionism. Because of the book Never
Cry Wolf by Farley Mowat (1963) and the popular movie made from
the book, many people believe wolves live primarily on mice rather
than ungulates. Both are fiction (Banfield 1964, Pimlott 1966),
but both purport to be true and are sold and shown by museums and
other unsuspecting educational organizations. Other misconceptions,
half truths, and outdated views that many protectionists hold include
the following: wolves only prey on livestock when no natural prey
is available; the loss of pack members fost ers disastrous social
chaos in the wolf population; wolves socially limit their own population;
because the wolf is on the U. S. endangered species list, this means
that there are very few left anywhere in the world; and wolves are
so shy of humans that they will move out of areas of high activity
or avoid settling in them, and they will maintain dens and pups
only many kilometers from such activity.
Because of these misconceptions and the power of animal rights
groups, wolf control is resisted by much of the public (cf. Garrott
et al. 1993). This attitude has three major negative implications
for wolf recovery. First, some people revere wolves so much that,
rather than having wolves face control, these people would rather
not restore wolves to areas where they would have to be controlled.
Because wolves will probably have to be controlled almost everywhere
they are restored, this sentiment translates into political pressure
against wolf recovery. Second, the antiwolf public, such as some
livestock owners and organizations, intensify their antiwolf attitudes
in reaction to the extremism of the other side. They also fear the
possibility of road closures and other restrictions on land use
that are often fostered by protectionists using the wolf to prevent
logging, mining, snowmobiling or other human uses of semiwilderness
and wilderness. Third, some wolf advocates resort to ter rorism
(Hayes, personal communication) and deceptive advertisements (Anonymous
1992). This zealotry intimidates public officials, who might otherwise
be predisposed toward wolf recovery, to shun it.
Of course, the prowolf contingent holds a wide spectrum of attitudes.
Thus, some people will accept control against livestock depredations
but oppose control prescribed for increasing game herds. Some will
accept control by government agencies but not by the public. Many
people will accept indirect methods of control such as fencing,
guard dogs, or aversive conditioning. These indirect methods are
more acceptable because they do not involve humans killing wolves
directly. Few proponents of these methods seem to realize, however,
that keeping wolves from prey ultimately reduces the carrying capacity
of wolf range, and thus fosters starvation and increased deaths
from intraspecific strife (Mech 1994). This is particularly true
in countries such as Italy, Spain, Israel, where a high percentage
of the total carrying capacity for wolves is comprised of livestock,
but it applies on a smaller scale to North America as well. As long
as wolf deaths are either indirect (and thus not so o bvious) or
natural, many people accept these deaths who would not tolerate
direct or human-caused deaths.
Direct lethal control is still usually the only practical course
under most conditions. There are several ways to apply this control.
Control by government agency, usually the Department of Agriculture
in the U. S., is the type generally most acceptable to wolf advocates,
but it is by far the most expensive and time-consuming. Control
by landowners or their agents is the one most favored by landowners,
but it is difficult to police, and most landowners lack the time
and expertise for it, except by poisoning. Open taking of wolves
year-around in no-wolf zones similar to the taking of coyotes in
most areas of the U. S., and regulated taking by the public, could
be applied in no-wolf zones or in wolf sanctuaries to hold the population
down such as is done in many suburban areas for white-tailed deer
(Odocoileus virginianus), geese (Anser sp.), and beavers. A modification
of this type of control is public taking by special permit.
All of the non-government approaches to control are much less
expensive but also less precise to the area or to specific wolves
taken and generally are the most disliked by wolf advocates. A notable
exception is the government control of wolves to increase herds
of big game in areas of Alaska and Canada. A public take of 1200-1500
wolves per year in Alaska brings little or no protest, but the state's
controlling of 150 wolves to increase big game herds is protested
vehemently (Anonymous 1993). While biologically this seems illogical,
politically such state control allows animal-rights groups to portray
this control as a dastardly government program that must be stopped.
The wolf's high reproductive potential and its tendency to disperse
hundreds of kilometers insure that there are few places where wolves
could be restored without some form of control being necessary.
But the very people most enthusiastically promoting wolf recovery
are generally those who want no control, so this dilemma makes public
officials reluctant to promote recovery.
Because wolf-taking by landowners or the public is the least expensive
and most acceptable by people who do not regard the wolf as special,
there will be greater local acceptance for wolf recovery in more
areas where such control is allowed. Thus, if wolf advocates could
accept effective control, wolves could live in far more places.
It appears that the best way to promote wolf recovery is to encourage
public education about wolf management issues so that a significant
proportion of the public would support wolf recovery while tolerating
some form of control. Public education programs must include the
message that any restoration of wolves will ultimately result in
a need to control wolves (Fritts et al. 1994). Of course, there
will always be animal-rights advocates who never will accept any
wolf control. If their views are seen by most of the public as counterproductive
to wolf recovery, however, officials can probably be persuaded to
allow wolves to live in far more of their former range.
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